|
عربي
This is the
message
sent by Mohammed
Shatah to
Hassan Rohani
before he was assassinated
Your
Excellency,
We are taking this exceptional step to address you and other regional
and global leaders because these are exceptionally dangerous times for
our country. Not only is Lebanon's internal and external security being
seriously threatened, but the very unity of our state is in real
jeopardy. It is our obligation to do all we can to protect our nation
from these l threats. And today, more than ever before, the choices made
by the Islamic Republic of Iran will play an important role in
determining our success or failure. That's why we are writing to you, as
the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
But these are exceptional times for Iran as well. After many years of
confrontation between Iran and a major part of the international
community, your election as president last summer has signaled to many
in the region and the world that the Iranian people want to set their
country on a new path; a path of reform and openness and peaceful
relations with the rest of the world. The recent interim agreement
between Iran and the P5+1, and the statements you have made since your
election, have raised expectations that Iran may indeed be taking the
first concrete steps along that positive path. We sincerely hope that
this is the case.
But for us, as representatives of the Lebanese people, the real test is
not so much whether Iran reaches a final agreement with Western powers
on its nuclear program, nor whether domestic economic and social reforms
are successfully put in place—important as these objectives are to the
world and to the Iranian people. For us in Lebanon, the real test is
whether Iran is genuinely prepared to chart a new course in its policies
toward the rest of region, and most specifically toward Lebanon.
Your Excellency,
It is an undisputed fact that Iran's Revolutionary Guard continues to
maintain a strategic military relationship with Hezbollah, a military
organization that Iran's Revolutionary guard was instrumental in
establishing 30 years ago. At that time Lebanon was still in the midst
of a terrible civil war and southern Lebanon was under Israeli
occupation. Today, 23 years after the end of the civil war and the
disbanding of all other Lebanese militias, and 13 years after the
liberation of the south from Israeli occupation (in which the Lebanese
resistance played a crucial role), Hezbollah continues to maintain an
independent and heavily armed military force outside the authority of
the state. This is happening with the direct support and sponsorship of
your country.
As we are sure you would agree, the presence of any armed militia in
parallel to the legitimate armed forces of the state and operating
outside the state's control and political authority is not only in
conflict with the Lebanese constitution, but also with the very
definition of a sovereign state—any state. This is the case irrespective
of the religious affiliations of such non-state militias or the causes
they claim to champion.
Hezbollah's insistence on maintaining an independent military
organization, under the banner of "Islamic Resistance," has been a major
obstacle in the face of much-needed national efforts to strengthen state
institutions and to put an end to the legacy of the civil war and the
spread weapons throughout the country. This has, inevitably, also
weakened Lebanon's national unity and exposed the country to the
widening sectarian fault lines in the region, and has contributed to the
rise of religious extremism and militancy.
Moreover, the use of—or implied threat of using—Hezbollah's weapons
advantage to tilt the domestic political playing field has made the
delicate task of managing the Lebanese political system almost
impossible, and has led to a gradual systemic paralysis. Hezbollah's
blatant protection of five of its members who had been indicted by the
Special international Tribunal for Lebanon in the case of the late Rafiq
Hariri assassination has compounded the suspicions and mistrust.
Your Excellency,
Over the past year, Hezbollah's direct participation in the conflict in
Syria has greatly aggravated Lebanon's already precarious situation. It
is well recognized that the Lebanese public is divided regarding the war
in Syria. We, as members of the broad March 14 political alliance, stand
fully, both politically and morally, in support of the Syrian people. We
believe the Assad regime has lost both its moral legitimacy and its
ability to restore peace and unity in Syria. However as representatives
of the Lebanese people, our focus and main responsibility is to protect
Lebanon from the grave danger of the fire raging next door spreading
into our country. In fact, the conflict in Syria has already touched
many of our border towns and villages and sparked sporadic violence and
despicable acts of terrorism. As you know, the Iranian embassy in Beirut
has been the target of a deplorable terrorist bombing, so were mosques
and civilian neighborhoods.
Combating this scourge and protecting Lebanon from worse spillovers
cannot succeed while a major Lebanese party is participating directly in
the Syrian conflict. It is, in effect, an invitation to those on the
receiving end of Hezbollah's bombs and bullets in Syria to bring the war
back to Hezbollah's homeland—our common homeland. Regrettably, this is
happening with the support of, and in coordination with, the Islamic
Republic of Iran.
Your Excellency,
Lebanon today is in crisis on all levels. Clearly, palliatives are not
enough anymore. We need to protect Lebanon from falling further down a
very slippery slope. We believe that this can be done only if regional
and international powers, including Iran, are ready to take the
necessary steps. The guideposts are already there. They were spelt out
in the national declaration issued jointly by all political parties last
year and dubbed the Baabda Declaration. The declaration had affirmed the
objective of safeguarding Lebanon's security by: 1.) protecting it
against spillovers from Syria and more generally neutralizing it away
from regional and international conflicts and alliances; and 2.)
completing the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701.
In our view, this would require the following concrete steps, to be
agreed and launched through a special Security Council meeting or a
special, wider support-group conference:
1. A declared commitment by all other countries, including Iran, to the
neutralization of Lebanon as agreed in the Baabda Declaration. Clearly,
it is not enough for Lebanon to declare a desire to be neutralized. More
importantly, other countries need to commit themselves to respect
Lebanon's national desire;
2. Ending all armed participation by Lebanese groups and parties,
including Hezbollah, in the Syrian conflict;
3. Establishing effective control by the Lebanese army and security
forces over the border with Syria, supported by the United Nations if
needed as permitted under UNSCR 1701;
4. Requesting the Security Council to begin the steps needed to complete
the implementation of UNSCR 1701. This aims at moving Lebanon from the
current interim cessation-of-hostilities status with Israel to a
permanent cease-fire with U.N. security arrangements, which will end
border infringements by Israel and establish complete and exclusive
security authority by the Lebanese armed forces throughout the country.
This vision and roadmap may seem radical, considering that Lebanon has
not seen full and exclusive control by the state over its territory and
over all weapons in four decades. But these are also the basic natural
rights of any country that seeks to be free and independent. It is our
obligation as representatives of the people of Lebanon to do all we can
to regain those rights. For years, we have supported—and will continue
to support—the right of Palestine to be free and independent. Similarly,
we support Iran's national right as a free and sovereign nation in
control of its destiny and its security within its borders. As a small
but proud nation we cannot aspire for less.
Your Excellency,
This is Lebanon's cause. We will do all we can to mobilize all the
support it needs and deserves. Ultimately, whether we succeed or not
will depend on decisions taken, not only by the Lebanese people but also
by others, including your good self. Admittedly—but also understandably—there
are many Iran-skeptics in Lebanon and in the region. We hope that Iran's
choices in Lebanon can prove them wrong.
Sincerely,
Mohamad Chatah |
