Sacred
Weapons: The Law vs. Fatwas
January 25/2006
On January 16/2006, the
head of the National Council of the Media in Lebanon, Mr. Abdel-Hadi
Mahfouz, cited the Secretary General of Hezbollah, Sheik Hassan Nasrallah,
as saying during a visit by the Council, “The
weapons of the Resistance (Hezbollah
- Party Of God) for us are the Holiest of the Holies. They are akin to our
“honor”, and we are Easterners. I will not tolerate anyone who messes with
my honor, and the weapons of the Resistance are our honor.”
This clear and direct
statement is laden with content and meaning that should draw clear and
decisive responses from across the spectrum in Lebanon, as well as from
all the Arab governments. For do they really share Nasrallah's concept of
these weapons? And is this shocking unilateral “sanctification” of
Hezbollah's weapons leaves any room for peaceful debate and dialogue about
weapons that now have divine attributes and pertain to concepts of honor?
It thus becomes obvious
that Hezbollah Shiite Armed Militia knows exactly what it wants and does
not miss any opportunity to stubbornly declare its constant positions, and
challenging everyone domestically and, at the same time, rejecting all
provisions of what it calls the “Israeli-American” UN Resolution 1559.
We need to be mindful
that Hezbollah fought the last Lebanese Parliamentary elections in 2005
from behind Syria's Intelligence notorious Chief Ghazi Kanaan's electoral
law and arming itself with a legitimacy mandate, leaving the voters but
one of two choices: Either you're with the Israeli enemy and UN Resolution
1559, or you're with Hezbollah and its liberationist weapons!! Hezbollah's
leadership has now taken the next step. Unlike all other Lebanese
political forces, it continues to insist, day in and day out, on keeping
its weapons and privileges irrespective of the pressures, and now has
shrouded these weapons with the halo of sanctity, linking it to the
concept of “honor” and thus making it untouchable.
This clarity of
language by Nasrallah puts everyone in front of a major challenge, and
requires them to take an equally clear stand that does not tolerate
ambiguity or semantics. Either you are with Hezbollah keeping its weapons
in Nasrallah's view, with all the consequences of the status quo imposed
on the ground in the south of the country and the southern suburbs of
Beirut and elsewhere, or you are against that proposition and therefore
with the State, with the idea that the Lebanese State has a preeminent
right to stand above all, spread its authority over its entire territory,
uphold its constitution and what it implies in obligations and
responsibilities, and abide by international legitimacy.
In fact, we are deeply
appreciative of Hezbollah's leader for his clear and courageous positions,
because he is forcing everyone in Lebanon, officials, politicians, clergy
and parties to assume their responsibilities and make their choices. As
such, they have to publicly explain to their communities what they want
and what they stand for: Are they with Nasrallah on the subject of the
sanctity of the weapons? Or against him and with the concept of the
preeminent State?
Any return of the
Shiite "Hezbollah Party" and "Amal Movement" five boycotting ministers to
the "Siniora government" must be accompanied by a government policy that
contains no ambiguity whatsoever insofar as the sanctity of Hezbollah's
weapons and its “honor” are concerned. The participation of Hezbollah and
the Amal in any future government should be made contingent on the same
clarity of policy on this matter.
In this context, on
21/12/06, the head of Lebanon's Jabal Amel Ulemas Shiite Committee, Shiite
Sheikh Afif Nabulsi declared on the matter of the boycott of Hezbollah's
and Amal's ministers of cabinet meetings:
“There are outside
attempts, which met with favor by domestic forces,
to sideline Hezbollah and Amal, and replace them with new representatives
of the Shiite community. We, therefore, forbid, from our position as
religious law authorities, any Shiite political party to enter as a
substitute and an alternate to the representatives of Amal and Hezbollah.
Any such entry by any Shiite political side is illegal because it does not
represent the popular fact on the ground, and does not benefit from the
requisite religious legal permission. We therefore issue a precautionary
Fatwa to every Shiite politician who tries to take advantage and score a
gain from the current government crisis, not to make any commitments or
covenants with others, for he does not own the Shiite position and does
not have the religious legal authority to act in this manner.”
This precautionary
Fatwa strengthens Nasrallah's position, but by the same token it makes it
incumbent upon others to expressly state their positions.
The question now is how
can the Lebanese State exercise its prerogatives of universality to all
its Lebanese constituents? How can the Lebanese people exercise their
rights to democracy and liberties in the shadow of weapons that are the
Holiest of Holies, that stand outside the umbrella and decision-making
process of the State, and that are tied up to “honor”, religious legal
mandates, and precautionary religious decrees (Fatwas)?
Now is the time for
courage. Now is the time for clarity. Now is the time for true leaders and
statesmen to come forward from the shadows of servility, fear, and
backroom deals. Do the Lebanese people have such leaders who understand
their responsibilities and obligations to their constituents and their
nation, as well as the historic opportunity which, if not taken, will
further decimate this long tormented country?
Elias Bejjani
*Human Rights activist, journalist & political commentator.
*Spokesman for the Canadian Lebanese Human Rights Federation (CLHRF)
*Media Chairman for the Canadian Lebanese |