Panamu II, Assyrian Vassal
In the first half of the first millenium B.C.E. the Aramean city states
of eastern Anatolia and northern Syria posed a formidable challenge to
Neo-Assyrian expansionism. Yet, their various tribes never united. On
the contrary their rivalries among themselves and with the Neo-Hittite
city states could be exploited to Assyrian advantage. This appears to
have been the case with Panamu II, the 10th known king of the city state
of Sam'al. Panamu II was the grandson of Panamu I, son of Qarli who
succeeded Kilamuwa. About a century after the reign of his ancestor
Kilamuwa, the dynasty had fallen to violent intrigues from within.
Panamu II’s father Bar Sur was assassinated in a coup following the long
prosperous reign of Panamu I. In dealing with the dynastic crisis Panamu
II adopted a strategy similar to that of Kilamuwa before him, taking
refuge in Assyrian intervention. But this is a quite a different Assyria
than that of Shalmaneser III whom Kilamuwa “hired” a century before. The
change becomes particularly evident in Assyria’s Syrian and Anatolia
ambitions under Tiglath Pileser III. This is the socio-political
situation to which the Panamu II inscription bears witness.
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The inscription, now housed in the Staatliche Museen in Berlin, was
discovered during the German excavation at Zinjirli in 1888. It was not
Panamu II himself, who died an untimely death in battle, that
commissioned the inscription, but his son Bar Rakkib. The inscription is
both a memorial and dedication. Like the Hadad inscription of Panamu I
it is written in the Sam'alian dialect. Like the Hadad inscription,
Panamu II was inscribed around the base of a pillar-shaped statue,
perhaps of a god or king. The fringe of the figure’s robe runs
diagonally from right to left down the middle of the inscription’s 23
lines of text. All of the lines are well preserved at the beginning but
fade out gradually. Many of the lines become untranslatable at the far
left and have been variously reconstructed. The details of the dynastic
intrigue it reveals confirms that the violence and upheaval Panamu I
feared came true. In fact, Bar Rakkib seems to insert details, in a
badly preserved section, referring to a prophecy of Panamu I, predicting
bad times during the reign of a usurper. This tradition about his
grandfather’s prophetic faculties would be consistent with Panamu I’s
claim of being in a covenant with the gods. Indeed, Panamu I’s
successor, Bar Sur, was murdered by a usurper. Whether this was an
internal enemy from within the royal house or some external pretender we
do not know for certain. The usurper is not named but suggestively
referred as the “Stone of Destruction.”
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Whether it was the usurper or Bar Sur’s son Panamu II that would have
been the successor justified by Sam'alian tradition we do not know. But
it was Panamu II that took action to assure he would be the one to live
to tell about it. The assassination of his father Bar Sur prompted
Panamu II to flee to Assyria on chariot and to “bring a gift” to their
emperor.
Compared to the Hadad inscription, there is a noticable absence of
Panamu I’s concern for the gods. Where the king usually links his claim
to the throne to his relation to the gods, Panamu II credits the
Assyrian king with killing the usurper and restoring the dynasty. All
the usual divine praise for legitimacy and then abundance is now
attributed to the Panamu II’s loyalty to Assyria. Tiglath Pileser III
expanded his kingdom northwards into Gurgum and possibly Quwe (both in
what is now south central Turkey). Whereas Panamu I had boasted of favor
from the gods, Panamu II is honored by “mighty kings,” or so his son
boasts. Panamu II does carry out some of the usual reforms, frees
captives, empties prisons, comforts women, and his subjects prosper. The
usual building projects for which a king is remembered are different for
Panamu II. As he bought legitimacy at cost of being a vassal, the cost
of tribute probably would have left little budget for fortifications or
bureaucratic hubs such as expanded temple and palace complexes. What he
does mention where one would expect the mention of building projects is
that he appointed some sort of proto-bureacratic officials, “lords of
villages and lords of chariots.” These were probably necessary to meet
his part of the deal with Assyria which would have involved taxes and
military support.
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The rest of the commemoration praises Panamu II’s loyalty as vassal to
Tiglath Pileser III, even to personally serving Tiglath Pileser III in
battle and being killed in action on campaign in 732. This was probably
the same campaign that brought about the end of the northern kingdom of
Israel which also fell in 732. Tiglath Pileser III and all the kings and
camp wept for Panamu II. They brought his body back to Assyria and he
was buried there. Finally, the Assyrian king established his son Bar
Rakkib, the author of this inscription, on the throne of his father. Bar
Rakkib concludes by invoking the usual gods, Hadad and all the gods of
Yaudy, that is Sam'al.
Sam'al briefly prospers by the Assyrian vassaldom. Panamu II not only
restored the dynasty of his ancestors but, also with the aid of Tiglath
Pileser III, greatly expanded the kingdom of Sam'al northward into the
area wrested from Gurgum. Yet the strategy Kilamuwa called “hiring” the
Assyrian king this time proved far more costly to Sam'al’s relative
political autonomy and lingering Anatolian cultural traditions. Many of
the Neo-Hittite and Aramean citystates permanently lost their
independence under Tiglath Pileser III. It was Panamu II’s successor,
Bar Rakkib, a distinctly Aramaic name, who comissioned this inscription
for the memory of his father in the Sam'alian dialect. The language of
Bar Rakkib’s own inscriptions however, is not Sam'alian. In the
Sam'alian inscriptions up to Panamu II, the kingdom is called by its
older name, Yaudy. Yet in Bar Rakkib’s own inscriptions he calls the
kingdom Sam'al. This is the name by which it is known in the Assyrian
and Aramaic sources such as those of Tiglath Pileser III and Zakkur. The
epigraphic data of the region then suggests that after Panamu II an
early form of imperial Aramaic finally supplants the Sam'alian dialect
and along with it the unique hybrid Anatolian/Syrian culture of this
kingdom.
Commentary by Jeffrey Rose
http://www.usc.edu/dept/LAS/wsrp/educational_site/ancient_texts/panamu.shtml |