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AIN EBEL,
SOUTH LEBANON
– Amid the steep rolling hills of
South Lebanon, a mere handful of kilometers from the fence on the
border with Israel, sits the besieged Christian community of Ain
Ebel. It is often said that Lebanon is a victim of geography; few
Lebanese are as unlucky as those who live in Ain Ebel. For decades
the people in this village have been caught between the anvils of
the Palestinian Liberation Organization and Hezbollah on one side,
and the hammer of the Israeli Defense Forces on the other.
I visited this small town
with my American friend and colleague Noah Pollak from
Azure Magazine in Jerusalem. Two men, Said and Henry, from the
Lebanese Committee for UNSCR 1559 – an
NGO which advises the Lebanese government
and the international community on the disarmament of Hezbollah –
safely escorted us down there from Beirut.
Alan Barakat from the Ain Ebel Development
Association waited for us outside a small grocery store owned by his
uncle. He agreed to tell us about what happened to his community
during the war in July, when Hezbollah seized civilian homes and
used residents as human shields.
Ain Ebel is small, and we
walked the streets on foot. I didn’t see nearly as much destruction
as I saw in the Hezbollah strongholds of Bint Jbail and Maroun
al-Ras
which I visited earlier the same day. Downtown seemed intact.
This was not a surprise. The residents are implacably hostile to
Hezbollah and always have been. This was not a place where the Party
of God could dig in, build bunkers, and store weapons. Ain Ebel was,
as they say, a “target poor” environment. That did not, however,
stop Hezbollah from using it as a battleground.
“There is a valley just below Ain Ebel,” Alan
said. “I will take you there later. Until the army came after the
war Hezbollah closed it. It was a restricted military area. They
built bunkers there, and stored Katyusha rockets and launchers. When
the war started they moved the launchers out of the valley and into
our village. When the Israelis shot back they hit some of our
houses.”
In Bint Jbail and Maroun
al-Ras whole city blocks were pulverized from the air. Some houses
and buildings were merely damaged, but many were demolished to their
foundations. Nothing remains of whole swaths of these towns but
fields of mostly-cleared rubble. Hezbollah controlled Bint Jbail and
Maroun al-Ras both during and before the war. Houses were
used to stockpile weaponry and were often otherwise turned into
military targets.
Ain Ebel, however, was used only as a place to
hide and as a place from which Hezbollah could launch rockets at the
Israelis. Katyusha launchers weren’t placed inside houses. They
were, for the most part, placed next to people’s houses. Most of the
property damage, then, was caused by shrapnel rather than by direct
air strikes. Israeli targeting in South Lebanon wasn’t random or
indiscriminate. It varied considerably from place to place,
depending on what Hezbollah was doing in each place.
“No one is helping us,”
Alan said. “We are paying for all the reconstruction with our own
money.”
“You aren’t getting any of
the reconstruction money from Iran?” I said.
“Of course not,” Alan
said. “Of course Iran is not helping us rebuild our houses.”
The Iranian government is
sending money, via Hezbollah, to at least some Lebanese people whose
homes were damaged or destroyed during the war. If Alan is telling
the truth, though, that money is not exactly evenly spread.
Reconstruction had progressed more in Ain Ebel
than elsewhere, even so. In Bint Jbail the only noticeable
improvement was that most of the rubble had been cleared out of the
way. Ain Ebel was less damaged, so there was less work to be done.
“Were people still living
in Ain Ebel during the war?” I said.
“Yes, of course,” Alan
said. “Most of us stayed in the village for the first 18 days.”
“Were people were still
living in the houses that Hezbollah seized?” I said.
“No,” Alan said.
“Hezbollah only took over houses that had no one in them.”
We came across a crater in the middle of a
residential street on the edge of town left by an Israeli artillery
shell.
“Did anyone here try to
stop Hezbollah?” I said.
“How?” Alan said. “We have
no weapons. Some people told Hezbollah to leave, but they pointed
guns in our faces. Shut up, go back in your house, we were
told.”
At the southern edge of town is an open field
with a direct view to the south toward Israel.
“Hezbollah could have set
up their rocket launchers here instead of in town,” Noah said. “It’s
a straight shot into Israel.”
“The houses and trees gave
them better cover,” Alan said. “The valley below, though, gave them
even better cover than the village. If that’s all they cared about
they would have stayed there.”
We walked back downtown. I
wanted to find at least one more witness who stayed in Ain Ebel
during the war.
Noah and I went toward the grocery store owned by
Alan’s uncle. A poster on the wall outside warned children about
minefields left behind by the Israelis.
A convoy of French soldiers from
UNIFIL,
the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon, rolled down the
street.
Some French soldiers stopped at the same grocery
store. Noah badly wanted to ask them what, exactly, they were doing.
But they weren’t allowed to speak to us since we didn’t have a
permit from the United Nations authorizing an interview.
A grim-faced soldier
placed five bottles of red Lebanese wine – Chateau Kefraya, to be
exact, which is really good stuff – on the counter. Noah couldn’t
resist making fun.
“Are those for Hezbollah?”
Noah said.
“No,” said the soldier
without showing even a trace of a sense of humor.
“Are you going to buy some
chocolates, too, while you’re here?” Noah said.
The French soldier ignored
him.
I could not help but laugh
at the sorry state of French-American relations, even in a place
like South Lebanon where we’re more or less on the same side. I
quietly suggested to Noah that if he really wanted to tease them he
should ask if they were shopping for cheese to go with their wine.
“The French like to spend
time in Ain Ebel,” Alan said. “They are welcome here, they feel
comfortable. They help our economy. In Bint Jbail some of the
residents make slashing motions across their throats with their
fingers when they see UN soldiers.”
I felt bad for laughing
when I heard that. South Lebanon is a hard place.
UNIFIL isn’t allowed to disarm Hezbollah and prevent the next
round of war. That would require their authorization as a combat
force. But they do what they can within their sharply proscribed
limits, and they spend most of their time in a shattered and hostile
environment.
Alan’s uncle behind the
cash register stuck up for the French.
“I feel safer now with
them here than I’ve felt for more than 30 years,” he said.
It was easy to find
another civilian who stayed in the village during the war. He said
he would happy to talk to me as long as I promised not to publish
his name. He didn’t even tell me his name, so he has nothing to
worry about. I’ll just call him “Jad.”
I turned on my voice
recorder. Alan translated.
“So you stayed in Ain Ebel
through the whole war?” I said.
“Yes,” Jad said.
“At what point did
Hezbollah come to the village and fire their missiles?” I said.
“During the war they took
some uninhabited houses at the edge of our village and stayed
there.”
“Uninhabited?” I said.
“Yes, uninhabited. Nobody
was there, so they took them. They were eating in there, sleeping in
there, and maybe doing some reconnaissance.”
“Did they ever go into
houses where people were still living?” I said.
“No,” he said.
“Okay,” I said.
I wondered if Hezbollah
deserved credit for not encroaching on people’s personal space, but
Jad answered that question before I could ask it.
“They chose specific
houses because nobody was living there and nobody would know.”
“Did they choose to come
to this town for strategic or tactical reasons?” Noah said. “Or was
it because it’s a Christian town?”
“Strategically, of
course,” Jad said. “It’s a high peak. It is very good strategically.
But they could have chosen these parts, these lands...” He gestured
with his arm toward the valley below, the place Alan promised to
take us next. “It would have been more protection for them than this
village. So why did they come here? I think it’s because it’s a
Christian village. They do this.”
“Did anybody who lives
here try to get Hezbollah to leave the village?” I said.
“We don’t have any arms,” Jad said. “Hezbollah
has arms. But there was this incident that happened. Next to a guy’s
place they were firing Katyushas – you know, missiles. They were
firing from the house. This guy went out and said Please, do not
fire from our home, from in front of our house. My father is very
ill and there are some children in the house. They came to him
and said Shut up, go in your house, this is none of your business.”
What Jad said closely
matched what Alan had told me.
Then he told me something
off-the-record. He made me turn off my voice recorder before he
would say it. I cannot and will not relay what he told me. But he
wanted me to know that the people of Ain Ebel did use clever
non-violent counter-measures against Hezbollah, and that Hezbollah
has no idea what they did. I know what they did, but he wants it to
remain a secret so they can do it again in the future. He did not,
by the way, tell me they passed information to the Israelis.
I turned my voice recorder
back on, but I didn’t realize until later that it got stuck on
“pause.” So I’ll have to paraphrase what he said next.
He told me that 18 days
after the start of the war a large group of civilians decided it was
time to leave Ain Ebel and flee to the north. They were no longer
willing to stay while Israel fired back at Hezbollah’s rocket
launchers. It was too dangerous, and Hezbollah insisted on staying
and endangering those who lived there.
So they fled the area in a
convoy of civilian vehicles. It was safer, they figured, to travel
in a group than alone.
On their way out of the
village, Hezbollah fighters stood on the side of the road and opened
fire with machine guns on the fleeing civilians.
I was shocked, and I asked
Alan to confirm this. Was it really true? Hezbollah opened fire on
Lebanese civilians with machine guns? Alan confirmed this was
true.
"Why?" I had an idea, but
I wanted a local person to say it.
Because, Alan said,
Hezbollah wanted to use the civilians of Ain Ebel as “human
shields.” I did not use the phrase “human shields.” These were
Alan’s own words.
Fortunately, Hezbollah
didn’t kill anybody when they opened fire. One person was shot in
the hand, and another was shot in the shoulder. This was enough,
though, to do the job. The
civilians turned around and went back to the village under Israeli
bombardment.
Alan then took me, Noah,
and Said down into the valley below the village, the previously
restricted military zone where Hezbollah built bunkers, dug fox
holes, and stashed weapons before they moved their operations into
civilian areas.
A young man named Victor came along for the ride.
He thought it would be cool to check out the area now that someone
would show him.
Alan told us to stay on the road because Israeli
landmines might still be around. There are, perhaps, more landmines
in South Lebanon than there are people.
“Did Hezbollah build this
road?” I asked.
“No,” Alan said. “It is
agricultural.”
Victor spotted some camouflage netting in one of
the bushes. He and Noah pulled it out.
“Radar scattering,” Noah said as he read the tag.
“This is American.”
He tried to cut the tag so
he could keep it as a souvenir, but it wouldn’t come off.
The valley did seem like
it would have provided better cover for Hezbollah than the village.
The sky above was open enough that Katyusha rockets easily could be
fired directly at Israel. Camouflaged fox holes and bunkers among
the bushes and trees provide much better protection than houses that
can be easily spotted by the Israeli Air Force and that show up
prominently on satellite and aerial surveillance photographs. No
Israeli infantry would want to go into that valley without first
softening up the area with air strikes and artillery. It was the
perfect environment for ambushes and sniper attacks.
The sun dropped quickly
below the horizon. South Lebanon is in the region known as the Upper
Galilee. It is not as high as the Mount Lebanon range in the north,
but it was high enough that the cool Levantine air of early winter
turned frigid as the light went out of the sky.
The funny thing about
Middle Eastern war zones is how serene the natural environment often
is. Wars in the popular imagination usually occur in ugly places.
But the front lines of the Arab-Israeli conflict often look like
somewhere that might be popular among hikers and backpackers if they
weren’t so dangerous.
“There is a destroyed
bunker up ahead,” Alan said as he stepped off the road. “Come on.”
“Is it safe?” I said.
“What about landmines?”
“I have been here before,”
Alan said. “Hezbollah was here. It should be safe.”
So we stepped off the road and walked toward one
of Hezbollah’s demolished fortifications. I walked gingerly and
tried to step in the footprints of others.
There was no sound in the
valley but our own footsteps and breath. Alan was probably right
that there were no landmines in the immediate area. Otherwise
Hezbollah would have dug in somewhere else.
But what about unexploded ordnance from Israeli
cluster bombs? Those were still lying around. You might as well have
stepped on a landmine if you end up kicking a bomblet on accident.
The faint cold light of
dusk illuminated the sky like a back-lit screen, but all was dark in
the valley on the trail beneath the trees. I tried to imagine what
it must have been like if Israeli soldiers walked the same path only
a few months before. Did they feel like American soldiers in the
jungles of Vietnam? Some Hezbollah fighters wore the uniforms of the
Israeli Defense Forces. They used night-vision goggles. They
hunkered down in fox holes and waited.
The valley must have been
reasonably safe or Alan wouldn’t have taken us down there. But the
enveloping darkness and the all-too recent violence made me wonder,
although not very seriously, if Hezbollah had really been flushed
out and kept out.
The bombed-out bunker was just up ahead under
some trees. It was, indeed, very well hidden.
“If I were going to build
a bunker, this is where I’d put it,” Noah said.
Nevertheless, it was hit.
And it was hit badly. Anyone who was inside during an air strike
would surely have been killed. But I didn’t see any blood or other
evidence that it was occupied at the time.
We dug through the rubble.
“There was a sink,” Alan said and pointed to the
right of the entrance.
“And here is some cable
for faxes and phones.”
“Look,” Victor said. “A lid from a weapons
crate.”
“Dude,” Noah said. “Check
out the shower head.”
Sure enough, there was a shower head at my feet.
It was impossible to tell
when the bunker was hit, whether it was at the beginning, during the
middle, or at the end of the war. Since there was no evidence that
anyone was inside when the strike came, I assumed it was hit in the
middle or at the end after Hezbollah had already moved into the
village.
I’m not a military
forensics expert, if there even is such a thing. But everything Alan
told me about Hezbollah relocating to Ain Ebel during the war seemed
to add up and match the physical evidence I could see. The valley
obviously was used as a military area, and so was the village.
We walked back to the car
in absolute darkness and drove for a minute or so. Alan parked
alongside an open ditch next to the road.
“The Israelis were here,”
he said. “They left some of their food.”
At my feet was an empty can of tinned fish. Some
of the words on the can were written in Hebrew.
Alan was right. The
Israelis were there, recently enough that no one had bothered to
pick up their trash yet. I tossed the can of fish back into the
ditch, thinking with a grim almost-certainty that they would be
back.
To be continued…
Michael Totten
P.O.
Box 312
Portland,
OR 97207-0312